President George W. Bush
Documents & Texts from the White House
01 November 2007 President Bush Discusses Global War on Terror
The Heritage Foundation
Washington, D.C.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Ed, thanks. Thanks for the kind introduction.
I'm looking forward to working with you for the next 14 months -- but you
better put on your running shoes, because my spirits are high, my energy
level is good and I'm sprinting to the finish line. (Applause.)
I congratulate you on your 30th anniversary as President -- (laughter.) No
such thing as term limits here. (Laughter.) And rightly so, because Ed is
a person who has taken the conservative movement from one that used to meet
in a phone booth here in Washington -- (laughter) -- to a robust group of
folks who are shaping policy in Washington, D.C. As a matter of fact,
you've got a little bigger phone booth these days than you did 30 years
ago. (Laughter.)
I appreciate all you've done and I really want to thank Heritage. One of
the interesting things about the Heritage legacy is that the folks here
have been tireless advocates, tireless champions of liberty, and free
enterprise, and democracy and religious freedom. These are values that
came under attack on September the 11th, 2001. Our nation was attacked by
a brutal enemy that despises freedom, that rejects tolerance, that kills
the innocent in the pursuit of a dark vision. These folks believe that
it's okay to subjugate women and indoctrinate children and murder those who
oppose their harsh rule. They have stated clearly they want to impose this
ideology on millions. They're at war with America because they hate what
they stand for -- and they understand we stand in their way.
And so today I've come to talk to you about the war on terror, my firm
commitment that we'll do everything in our power to protect the American
people, and my call on the United States Congress to give us the tools
necessary so we can do the job the American people expect.
I, too, want to thank the members of the Heritage Foundation Board of
Trustees who have joined us. Thank you for supporting this important
organization. I can't tell you how important it is to have good centers of
thought in Washington, D.C. -- people who are willing to look at today's
problems and come up with innovative solution based upon sound principle to
solve those problems. And that's how I view Heritage.
I thank all the members and guests who've joined us today, as well. It's a
pleasure to be with you.
It's been now more than six years since the enemy attacked us on September
the 11th, and we are blessed that there has not been another attack on our
soil. With the passage of time, the memories of the 9/11 attacks have
grown more distant. And for some, there's a temptation to think that the
threats to our country have grown distant as well. They have not.
The terrorists who struck America that September morning intend to strike
us again. We know this, because the enemy has told us so. Just last year,
Osama bin Laden warned the American people, "Operations are under
preparation, and you will see them on your own ground once they are
finished." Seven months later, British authorities broke up the most
ambitious known al Qaeda plot since the 9/11 attacks -- a plot to blow up
passenger airplanes flying over the Atlantic toward the United States. Our
intelligence community believes that this plot was just two or three weeks
away from execution. If it had been carried out, it could have rivaled
9/11 in death and destruction.
The lesson of this experience is clear. We must take the words of the
enemy seriously. The terrorists have stated their objectives. They intend
to build a totalitarian Islamic empire -- encompassing all current and
former Muslim lands, stretching from Europe to North Africa, the Middle
East and Southeast Asia. In pursuit of their imperial aims, these
extremists say there can be no compromise or dialog with those they call
infidels -- a category that includes America, the world's free nation
[sic], Jews, and all Muslims who reject their extreme vision of Islam.
They reject the possibility of peaceful coexistence with the free world.
Again, hear the words of Osama bin Laden last year: "Death is better than
living on this Earth with the unbelievers among us."
History teaches that underestimating the words of evil, ambitious men is a
terrible mistake. In the early 1900s, the world ignored the words of
Lenin, as he laid out his plans to launch a Communist revolution in Russia
-- and the world paid a terrible price. The Soviet Empire he established
killed tens of millions, and brought the world to the brink of
thermonuclear war.
In the 1920s, the world ignored the words of Hitler, as he explained his
intention to build an Aryan super-state in Germany, take revenge on Europe,
and eradicate the Jews -- and the world paid a terrible price. His Nazi
regime killed millions in the gas chambers, and set the world aflame in
war, before it was finally defeated at a terrible cost in lives and
treasure.
Bin Laden and his terrorist allies have made their intentions as clear as
Lenin and Hitler before them. And the question is: Will we listen?
America and our coalition partners are listening. We have made our choice.
We take the words of the enemy seriously. Over the past six years, we
have captured or killed hundreds of terrorists. We have disrupted their
finances. We have prevented new attacks before they could be carried out.
We removed regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq that had supported terrorists
and threatened our citizens, and in so doing, liberated 50 million people
from the clutches of tyranny. (Applause.)
With our allies, we're keeping the pressure on the enemy. We're keeping
him on the move. We're fighting them everywhere they make their stand --
from the mountains of Afghanistan, to the deserts of Iraq, to the islands
of Southeast Asia and the Horn of Africa. On every battlefront, we're on
the offense. We're keeping constant pressure. And in this war on terror
we will not rest, or retreat, or withdraw from the fight until this threat
to civilization has been removed. (Applause.)
I fully understand that after six years, the sense of imminent danger has
passed for some -- and it can be natural for people to forget the lessons
of 9/11 as they go about their daily lives. I just want to assure you that
I'll never forget the lessons of September the 11th, and nor will the
people with whom I work. I know that when I discuss the war on terror,
some here in Washington, D.C. dismiss it as political rhetoric -- an
attempt to scare people into votes. Given the nature of the enemy and the
words of its leaders, politicians who deny that we are at war are either
being disingenuous or naive. Either way, it is dangerous for our country.
We are at war -- and we cannot win this war by wishing it away or
pretending it does not exist.
Unfortunately, on too many issues, some in Congress are behaving as if
America is not at war. For example, in a time of war, it is vital for the
President to have a full national security team in place -- and a key
member of that team is the Attorney General. The job of the Attorney
General is essential to the security of America. The Attorney General is
the highest ranking official responsible for our law enforcement
community's efforts to detect and prevent terrorist attacks here at home.
I've selected an outstanding nominee to fill this vital role: Judge
Michael Mukasey. Judge Mukasey has a long record of accomplishments in
matter of law and national security. He has been praised by Republicans
and Democrats alike as a man of honesty, intellect, fairness and
independence.
Judge Mukasey provided nearly six hours of testimony. He patiently
answered more than 200 questions at the hearing. He has responded to
nearly 500 written questions less than a week after his hearing. Yet the
Senate Judiciary Committee has been holding up his nomination.
As a price of his confirmation, some on that committee want Judge Mukasey
to take a legal position on specific techniques allegedly used to
interrogate captured terrorists. As Judge Mukasey explained in a letter to
committee members, he cannot do so for several reasons: First, he does not
know whether certain methods of questioning are in fact used, because the
program is classified -- and therefore he is in no position to provide an
informed opinion. He has not been read into the program, and won't until
he is confirmed and sword in -- won't be until he is confirmed and sworn in
as the Attorney General. Second, he does not want an uninformed opinion to
be taken by our professional interrogators in the field as placing them in
legal jeopardy.
Finally, he does not want any statement of his to give the terrorists a
window into which techniques we may use, and which ones we may not use.
That could help them train their operatives to resist questioning, and
withhold vital information we need to stop attacks and save lives.
In the war on terror, intelligence is one of the most crucial tools for our
defense. If a captured terrorist has information about a plot against our
homeland, we need to know what he knows. And so that's why I put in place
in place, under the CIA, a program to question key terrorist operatives and
its leaders. Last year, Congress passed a law that allows the CIA to
continue this vital program. The procedures used in this program are safe.
They are lawful. And they are necessary. (Applause.)
Senior leaders in the House and Senate, from both political parties, have
been briefed on the details of this program. It's wrong for congressional
leaders to make Judge Mukasey's confirmation dependent on his willingness
to go on the record about the details of a classified program he has not
been briefed on. If the Senate Judiciary Committee were to block Judge
Mukasey on these grounds, they would set a new standard for confirmation
that could not be met by any responsible nominee for Attorney General. And
that would guarantee that America would have no Attorney General during
this time of war.
By any measure, Judge Mukasey is eminently qualified to be the next
Attorney General. And now, after allowing his nomination to languish for
41 days, the Senate Judiciary Committee has scheduled a vote for next
Tuesday. Senate leaders must move this nomination out of committee, bring
it to the Senate floor and confirm this good man. (Applause.)
Congress has also failed to act on intelligence legislation that is vital
to protect the American people in this war on terror. Stopping new attacks
on our country requires us to make sure we understand the intentions of the
enemy. We've got to know what they're thinking and what they're planning.
And that means we got to have effective measures to monitor their
communications.
This summer, Congress passed the Protect America Act, which strengthened
our ability to collect foreign intelligence on terrorists overseas and this
good law closed a dangerous gap in our intelligence. Unfortunately, they
made this law effective for only six months. The problem is that al Qaeda
doesn't operate on a six-month timetable. (Laughter.) And if Congress
doesn't act soon, the law will expire -- and the gap in our intelligence
will reopen, and the United States of America will be at risk.
We must keep the intelligence gap firmly closed. If terrorists are
communicating with each other and are plotting new attacks, we need to know
what they're planning. (Applause.) We must ensure that the protections
intended for the American people are not extended to terrorists overseas
who are plotting to harm us. And we must grant liability protection to
companies who are facing multibillion-dollar lawsuits only because they are
believed to have assisted in the efforts to defend our nation following the
9/11 attacks.
The Senate Intel Committee has approved a bipartisan bill that contains
provisions to preserve our ability to collect intelligence on terrorists
overseas, while protecting the civil liberties of Americans here at home.
This bill still needs some improving, but it's an important step in the
right direction. (Applause.) Time is of the essence, and the full Senate
and the House of Representatives need to pass a good bill and get it to my
desk promptly so our intelligence professionals can continue to use the
vital tools of the Protect America Act to keep us safe. (Applause.)
Congress is also stalling on the emergency war supplemental to fund our
troops on the front lines in Afghanistan and Iraq. This crucial bill
includes funds for bullets and body armor, protection against IEDs and
mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles. Congress should be able to move
the supplemental quickly. There's no reason why they're not moving the
supplemental -- after all, it had more than eight months to study most of
its provisions. In fact, nearly 75 percent of the funding request in the
supplemental was submitted along with my annual budget in February of this
year. The supplemental is critical for our troops -- and Congress should
not go home for the holidays while our men and women in uniform are waiting
for the funds they need. (Applause.)
Congress also needs to pass the Department of Defense spending bill, as
well as the funding bill for our nation's veterans. There are reports that
congressional leaders may be considering combining the funding bills for
our military and our veterans together with a bloated labor, health and
education spending bill. It's hard to imagine a more cynical ploy than
holding funding for our troops and our wounded warriors hostage in order to
extract $11 billion in wasteful Washington spending. If the reports of
this strategy are true, I will veto such a three-bill pileup. (Applause.)
I ask Congress to send me a clean veterans funding bill by Veterans Day;
and to pass a clean defense spending bill. Congress needs to put the needs
of those who put on the uniform ahead of their desire to spend more money.
When it comes to funding our troops, some in Washington should spend more
time responding to the warnings of terrorists like Osama bin Laden and the
requests of our commanders on the ground, and less time responding to the
demands of MoveOn.org bloggers and Code Pink protesters. (Applause.)
Here's the bottom line: This is no time for Congress to weaken the
Department of Justice by denying it a strong and effective leader. It's no
time for Congress to weaken our ability to gather vital intelligence from
captured terrorists. It's no time for Congress to weaken our ability to
intercept information from terrorists about potential attacks on the United
States of America. And this is no time for Congress to hold back vital
funding for our troops as they fight al Qaeda terrorists and radicals in
Afghanistan and Iraq.
In the struggle against the terrorists and extremists, I hope I made my
strategy clear today -- that we will keep constant pressure on the enemy in
order to defend the American people; we will fight them overseas so we do
not have to fight them here at home. (Applause.) At the same time, we'll
use every available tool of law and intelligence to protect the people
here. That's our most solemn duty. It's a duty I think about every day.
In the long run, the only way to defeat the terrorists is to advance
freedom as the great alternative to radicalism and repression.
We can have confidence in this cause because we have seen the power of
liberty to transform nations and secure peace before. Here at the Heritage
Foundation, you understand this better than most. During the Cold War,
there were loud voices in Washington who argued for accommodation of the
Soviet Union -- because they believed the watchword of our policy should be
"stability." At Heritage, you knew that when it came to the Soviet Union,
the watchword of our policy should be "freedom."
Together with a great President named Ronald Reagan, you championed a
policy of rolling back communism oppression and bringing freedom to nations
enslaved by communist tyranny. And by taking the side of dissidents, who
[sic] helped millions across the world throw off the shackles of communism,
you helped build the free and peaceful societies that are the true sources
of stability and peace in the world.
And now we're at the start of a new century, and the same debate is once
again unfolding -- this time regarding my policy in the Middle East. Once
again, voices in Washington are arguing that the watchword of the policy
should be "stability." And once again they're wrong. In Kabul, in
Baghdad, in Beirut, and other cities across the broader Middle East, brave
men and women are risking their lives every day for the same freedoms we
enjoy. And like the citizens of Prague and Warsaw and Budapest in the
century gone by, they are looking to the United States to stand up for
them, speak out for them, and champion their cause. And we are doing just
that. (Applause.)
We are standing with those who yearn for the liberty -- who yearn for
liberty in the Middle East, because we understand that the desire for
freedom is universal, written by the Almighty into the hearts of every man,
woman and child on this Earth. (Applause.)
We are standing with those who yearn for liberty in the Middle East,
because we know that the terrorists fear freedom even more than they fear
our firepower. They know that given a choice, no one will choose to live
under their dark ideology of violence and death.
We're standing with those who yearn for liberty in the Middle East, because
we know that when free societies take root in that part of the world, they
will yield the peace we all desire. See, the only way the terrorists can
recruit operatives and suicide bombers is by feeding on the hopelessness of
societies mired in despair. And by bringing freedom to these societies, we
replace hatred with hope, and this will help us to marginalize the
extremists and eliminate the conditions that feed radicalism, and make the
American people more secure.
The lessons of the past have taught us that liberty is transformative. And
I believe 50 years from now an American President will be speaking to
Heritage and say, thank God that generation that wrote the first chapter in
the 21st century understood the power of freedom to bring the peace we
want. (Applause.)
Thank you for coming. God bless. (Applause.)
END 1:14 P.M. EDT
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