President Barack Obama
Documents & Texts from the White House
01 December 2009
The New Way Forward - The President's Address
Remarks of President Barack Obama—As Prepared for
Delivery
"The Way Forward in Afghanistan and Pakistan"
United States Military Academy at West Point
Related:
• Fact Sheet : The Way Forward in Afghanistan and Pakistan
•  Watch the President's Address (links to White House)
8:01 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening. To the United States Corps of Cadets,
to the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans: I
want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan -- the nature of our
commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my administration
will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion. It's an extraordinary
honor for me to do so here at West Point -- where so many men and women have prepared
to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.
To address these important issues, it's important to recall why America and our
allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place. We
did not ask for this fight. On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes
and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people. They struck at our military
and economic nerve centers. They took the lives of innocent men, women, and
children without regard to their faith or race or station. Were it not for
the heroic actions of passengers onboard one of those flights, they could have
also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed
many more.
As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda -- a group of extremists who have distorted
and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter
of innocents. Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they
were harbored by the Taliban -- a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that
seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation
and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.
Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and
those who harbored them -- an authorization that continues to this day. The
vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing. The vote in the House was 420 to 1. For
the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article
5 -- the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all. And
the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to
respond to the 9/11 attacks. America, our allies and the world were acting
as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our common
security.
Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy -- and only
after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden -- we sent our troops into
Afghanistan. Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of
its operatives were killed. The Taliban was driven from power and pushed
back on its heels. A place that had known decades of fear now had reason
to hope. At a conference convened by the U.N., a provisional government was
established under President Hamid Karzai. And an International Security Assistance
Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.
Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq. The
wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be repeated here. It's
enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war drew the dominant share
of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention -- and
that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and
much of the world.
Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible
end. We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer,
and all of our troops by the end of 2011. That we are doing so is a testament
to the character of the men and women in uniform. (Applause.) Thanks
to their courage, grit and perseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape
their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.
But while we've achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan
has deteriorated. After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001
and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven there. Although
a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it's been hampered by
corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security
forces.
Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda,
as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government. Gradually, the Taliban
has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, while engaging
in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani
people.
Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction
of what they were in Iraq. When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans
serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war. Commanders
in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the
Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive. And that's why, shortly
after taking office, I approved a longstanding request for more troops. After
consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental
connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe havens
in Pakistan. I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling,
and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate
our military and civilian efforts.
Since then, we've made progress on some important objectives. High-ranking
al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we've stepped up the pressure
on al Qaeda worldwide. In Pakistan, that nation's army has gone on its largest
offensive in years. In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban
from stopping a presidential election, and -- although it was marred by fraud --
that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan's laws
and constitution.
Yet huge challenges remain. Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years
it has moved backwards. There's no imminent threat of the government being
overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum. Al Qaeda has not reemerged
in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens
along the border. And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively
train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population. Our
new commander in Afghanistan -- General McChrystal -- has reported that the security
situation is more serious than he anticipated. In short: The status
quo is not sustainable.
As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger. Some
of you fought in Afghanistan. Some of you will deploy there. As your
Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of
your service. And that's why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted
on a thorough review of our strategy. Now, let me be clear: There has
never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010, so
there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the
war during this review period. Instead, the review has allowed me to ask
the hard questions, and to explore all the different options, along with my national
security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key
partners. And given the stakes involved, I owed the American people -- and
our troops -- no less.
This review is now complete. And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined
that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S. troops
to Afghanistan. After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home. These
are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan
capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.
I do not make this decision lightly. I opposed the war in Iraq precisely
because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force,
and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions. We have been
at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources. Years
of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues
in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort. And
having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the
American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting
people to work here at home.
Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you -- a military that,
along with your families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens. As
President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American
who gives their life in these wars. I have read the letters from the parents
and spouses of those who deployed. I visited our courageous wounded warriors
at Walter Reed. I've traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of
18 Americans returning home to their final resting place. I see firsthand
the terrible wages of war. If I did not think that the security of the United
States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would
gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.
So, no, I do not make this decision lightly. I make this decision because
I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This
is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda. It is from here
that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted
as I speak. This is no idle danger; no hypothetical threat. In the
last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were
sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts
of terror. And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al
Qaeda can operate with impunity. We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and
to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the
region.
Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear. This is not just America's
war. Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks
against London and Amman and Bali. The people and governments of both Afghanistan
and Pakistan are endangered. And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed
Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons,
and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.
These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our overarching
goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan
and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in
the future.
To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan. We
must deny al Qaeda a safe haven. We must reverse the Taliban's momentum and
deny it the ability to overthrow the government. And we must strengthen the
capacity of Afghanistan's security forces and government so that they can take
lead responsibility for Afghanistan's future.
We will meet these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a military
strategy that will break the Taliban's momentum and increase Afghanistan's capacity
over the next 18 months.
The 30,000 additional troops that I'm announcing tonight will deploy in the first
part of 2010 -- the fastest possible pace -- so that they can target the insurgency
and secure key population centers. They'll increase our ability to train
competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans
can get into the fight. And they will help create the conditions for the
United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.
Because this is an international effort, I've asked that our commitment be joined
by contributions from our allies. Some have already provided additional troops,
and we're confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks
ahead. Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan. And
now, we must come together to end this war successfully. For what's at stake
is not simply a test of NATO's credibility -- what's at stake is the security of
our allies, and the common security of the world.
But taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow
us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to
begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011. Just
as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into
account conditions on the ground. We'll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan's
security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul. But it
will be clear to the Afghan government -- and, more importantly, to the Afghan
people -- that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.
Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people
to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage
of improved security.
This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a blank
check are over. President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right message
about moving in a new direction. And going forward, we will be clear about
what we expect from those who receive our assistance. We'll support Afghan
ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for
the people. We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable. And
we will also focus our assistance in areas -- such as agriculture -- that can make
an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.
The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They've been confronted
with occupation -- by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who
used Afghan land for their own purposes. So tonight, I want the Afghan people
to understand -- America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering. We
have no interest in occupying your country. We will support efforts by the
Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect
the human rights of their fellow citizens. And we will seek a partnership
with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect -- to isolate those who destroy; to
strengthen those who build; to hasten the day when our troops will leave; and to
forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never your patron.
Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is
inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.
We're in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that
country. But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of
Pakistan. That's why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.
In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who've argued that the struggle
against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little
or seeking accommodation with those who use violence. But in recent years,
as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that
it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism. Public
opinion has turned. The Pakistani army has waged an offensive in Swat and
South Waziristan. And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan
share a common enemy.
In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly. Those
days are over. Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan
that is built on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust.
We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten
our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for
terrorists whose location is known and whose intentions are clear. America
is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and
development. We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis
displaced by the fighting. And going forward, the Pakistan people must know
America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity
long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people
can be unleashed.
These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to
create the conditions for a transition; a civilian surge that reinforces positive
action; and an effective partnership with Pakistan.
I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach. So let me
briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I've heard, and which
I take very seriously.
First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam. They
argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we're better off cutting our losses and
rapidly withdrawing. I believe this argument depends on a false reading of
history. Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations
that recognizes the legitimacy of our action. Unlike Vietnam, we are not
facing a broad-based popular insurgency. And most importantly, unlike Vietnam,
the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target
for those same extremists who are plotting along its border. To abandon this
area now -- and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance -- would
significantly hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an
unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies.
Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can't leave Afghanistan in its
current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have. But
this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit
a slow deterioration of conditions there. It would ultimately prove more
costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate
the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to
take over.
Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our transition
to Afghan responsibility. Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended
escalation of our war effort -- one that would commit us to a nation-building
project of up to a decade. I reject this course because it sets goals that
are beyond what can be achieved at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve
to secure our interests. Furthermore, the absence of a time frame for transition
would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government. It
must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security,
and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.
As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means,
or our interests. And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation
faces. I don't have the luxury of committing to just one. Indeed, I'm
mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who -- in discussing our national
security -- said, "Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the
need to maintain balance in and among national programs."
Over the past several years, we have lost that balance. We've failed to
appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy. In
the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of
work and struggle to pay the bills. Too many Americans are worried about
the future facing our children. Meanwhile, competition within the global
economy has grown more fierce. So we can't simply afford to ignore the price
of these wars.
All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
approached a trillion dollars. Going forward, I am committed to addressing
these costs openly and honestly. Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely
to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I'll work closely
with Congress to address these costs as we work to bring down our deficit.
But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must
rebuild our strength here at home. Our prosperity provides a foundation for
our power. It pays for our military. It underwrites our diplomacy. It
taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry. And
it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last. That's
why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended -- because the nation
that I'm most interested in building is our own.
Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy. The struggle against
violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan
and Pakistan. It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership
in the world. And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division
that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed
states, diffuse enemies.
So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end
wars and prevent conflict -- not just how we wage wars. We'll have to be
nimble and precise in our use of military power. Where al Qaeda and its
allies attempt to establish a foothold -- whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere
-- they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.
And we can't count on military might alone. We have to invest in our homeland
security, because we can't capture or kill every violent extremist abroad. We
have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step
ahead of shadowy networks.
We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction. And that's why I've
made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials
from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal
of a world without them -- because every nation must understand that true security
will never come from an endless race for ever more destructive weapons; true security
will come for those who reject them.
We'll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an
interconnected world acting alone. I've spent this year renewing our alliances
and forging new partnerships. And we have forged a new beginning between
America and the Muslim world -- one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking
a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents
are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.
And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values -- for the challenges that
we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not. That's
why we must promote our values by living them at home -- which is why I have prohibited
torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. And we must make it
clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud
of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend
to the light of freedom and justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity
of all peoples. That is who we are. That is the source, the moral source,
of America’s authority.
Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents
and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs. We
have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents. We
have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own
economies. We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions
-- from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank -- that provide for the common
security and prosperity of human beings.
We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes. But
more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global
security for over six decades -- a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls
come down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific
progress and advancing frontiers of human liberty.
For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination. Our
union was founded in resistance to oppression. We do not seek to occupy other nations. We
will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples because
their faith or ethnicity is different from ours. What we have fought for
-- what we continue to fight for -- is a better future for our children and grandchildren. And
we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and
grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity. (Applause.)
As a country, we're not as young -- and perhaps not as innocent -- as we were
when Roosevelt was President. Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle
for freedom. And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to
meet the challenges of a new age.
In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength
of our arms. It derives from our people -- from the workers and businesses
who will rebuild our economy; from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer
new industries; from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service
of those who work in our communities at home; from the diplomats and Peace Corps
volunteers who spread hope abroad; and from the men and women in uniform who are
part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by
the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth. (Applause.)
This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue -- nor should
we. But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership,
nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time, if we allow ourselves to be
split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent
times poisoned our national discourse.
It's easy to forget that when this war began, we were united -- bound together
by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our
homeland and the values we hold dear. I refuse to accept the notion that
we cannot summon that unity again. (Applause.) I believe with every
fiber of my being that we -- as Americans -- can still come together behind a common
purpose. For our values are not simply words written into parchment -- they
are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest
of storms as one nation, as one people.
America -- we are passing through a time of great trial. And the message
that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is
just, our resolve unwavering. We will go forward with the confidence that
right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a
world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears
but the highest of hopes. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. May God bless the United States of America. (Applause.) Thank
you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
END 8:35
P.M. EST
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